Traditionally, societies have assigned gender roles based on biological sex, which often favor men with strong masculine traits for leadership roles. The term ‘patriarchy’ refers to both the authority of fathers within families and the broader structural domination of women by men ¹ . In several societies, patriarchy has been influencing fertility variations through gender discrimination and marriage systems, including in Ethiopia, China, India, and Indonesia. In Ethiopia, the intersection between economic development and patriarchy strongly influences women’s lives, including their ability to express their concern for their lives and bodies ² . Chinese households traditionally favored males in a patriarchal system, a preference that was exacerbated by the one-child policy in the late 1970s. This policy led to female infanticide and sex-selective abortions, underscoring the persistent influence of cultural norms on demographic trends despite gender equality advances ³ . In contemporary India, patrilineal and patriarchal practices remain prevalent, especially among Hindu castes, prioritizing male lineage and reinforcing gender inequality ⁴ . Despite advances in women’s rights, traditional preferences for sons and male dominance still persist, particularly in Indian rural areas ⁵ . Meanwhile, Bali, as one of the regions in Indonesia, provides a unique case related to patriarchal, patrilineal, and patrilocal systems in the context of dramatic economic transformation associated with the development of the tourism industry ^a .

Bali is considered special because the society adheres to Hinduism in Indonesia, the majority Muslim religion. Balinese Hinduism, with its emphasis on harmony among the divine, humans, and nature ( Tri Hita Karana), profoundly influences Balinese life through numerous ceremonies ⁶ . On the other hand, globalization has expanded Balinese women’s roles beyond traditional domestic duties to include economic and social responsibilities. They balance family, income-earning, and community activities while maintaining their cultural identity and religious values ⁷ . This adaptability allows them to navigate modern complexities while upholding Tri Hita Karana, ensuring their contributions to family and community life remain harmonious and balanced.

In Bali, patrilocal marriage and patrilineal inheritance have been seen as a means to preserve Balinese identity, ethnicity, and Hindu religion ⁸ . While patriarchy places preponderant power and resources in the male sphere, "patrilocal residence" ^b and "patrilineal descent" ^c are widely associated with the domination of women in the kinship sphere ⁹ . Marrying into a patrilocal (and patrilineal) household creates subordinating circumstances for a woman because, as a guest, she has to obey her husband and his family's authority ¹⁰ . Bali has a patriarchal social structure in which patrilocal and patrilineal systems influence the inheritance pattern, where the heir of the family's property is passed through the male line (son) called purusa ¹¹ . Under the patrilineal features of Balinese adat (customary) law, a son will inherit family properties and religious responsibilities in the sanggah (family temple) and fulfil obligatory community services ( ayahan) in the hamlet ( banjar) and traditional village ( desa) ¹² . The system places significant pressure on women to produce male heirs.

Balinese culture provides alternative pathways to families with no male offspring. The family line and ancestral connection can continue by adopting male offspring from other families of the same clan ( soroh, dadia) or arranging " sentana rajeg" marriage for a daughter, reversing the usual pattern of female exogamy. Sentana rajeg means that a daughter, in adat status, may be confirmed as purusa or family descendant ¹² in the absence of a son. In the Hindu law literature, Manawa Dharmasastra IX: 127 ¹³ (762), through sentana rajeg, a daughter's adat status may be transformed to that equivalent to a son as family successor. Sentana marriage involves the woman paying a dowry and the man moving into her family home ¹⁸ . For several Balinese communities, sentana marriage is a "solution" in terms of staving off a break in generational succession, which has been regulated through customary law ¹⁸ .

Although it has been considered a long-standing solution for a family with no son, the sentana system still marginalizes women by maintaining the patrilineal structure and reinforcing male dominance. The man loses inheritance rights in his original home, while the woman must take a new status to preserve her family’s lineage. The husband’s legal status changes to that of a woman ( predana), while the wife’s status remains limited in practice underscoring gender inequality. This practice continues to prioritize the male lineage, often at the expense of women’s autonomy and rights. Balinese women are inclined to add more children to their families until they have a son, even when they have themselves taken on " sentana" marriage ¹⁹ . The existence of alternative pathways does not necessarily reduce reproductive role anxieties for Balinese women ^{12, 20, 21} .

Furthermore, the interplay between Indonesia’s national two-child policy and the local KB Krama Bali policy profoundly influences women’s reproductive choices ²² . The national two-child policy, designed to curb population growth, has historically empowered women by granting them greater autonomy over their fertility decisions, enhancing their workforce participation and improving their children’s educational and living standards. Conversely, the KB Krama Bali policy, which advocates four children family ideal to uphold cultural values, complicates these advancements ²³ . This pro-natalist policy emphasizes cultural traditions, such as the Balinese naming system, and heightens the pressure on women to produce male heirs. Consequently, Balinese women must navigate a complex landscape of economic, cultural, and political pressures, often with limited agency ²² . This tension highlights the necessity for the policies harmonizing cultural values with women’s reproductive rights and economic well-being. Indonesian government policies on family planning ^d and local concern with cultural preservation significantly influence their marriage and fertility decisions.

Balinese women face the dilemma of maintaining their identity and vital role in this rapidly changing society ²⁴ . Their main tasks are perceived to revolve around becoming good women, good mothers, and good wives to attain good karma for themselves and their descendants ⁶ . Their challenge is to negotiate between modern globalizing society and the core values of being Balinese-Hindu. Balinese women carry a "triple burden" due to productive, reproductive, and ritual obligations ^e . Balinese women face “triple burdens” as they juggle productive roles like working in the informal sector, reproductive roles involving childbearing and childcare, and ritual responsibilities in religious and cultural ceremonies ²⁷ . These roles are crucial for their family’s financial stability and maintaining Balinese Hindu traditions. The term “triple burdens” emphasizes the significant challenges and pressures of managing these multiple responsibilities simultaneously.

Understanding kinship structures and gender roles as power relations rather than as a universal force of domination is crucial for a nuanced perspective ¹ . Kinship systems are dynamic entities that continuously evolve in response to social, economic, and political transformations. Analyzing these adaptations provides a deeper understanding of how societies navigate challenges and leverage opportunities and offers valuable insights for managing change in contemporary contexts. In broader contexts, this knowledge also helps create more effective and culturally sensitive policies in areas such as family law, social services, and community development ² . This research amplifies the voices of Balinese women regarding their fertility decisions and the sentana marriage option, offering valuable insights for policymakers and society. By presenting these perspectives, the study aims to enhance understanding of women’s attitudes toward fertility rights and societal roles, emphasizing the importance of considering women’s voices in shaping policies and practices that affect their lives and communities.

The data for this paper is based primarily on 12 in-depth interviews collected in rural (Banjar Tumbakasa in Gianyar) and urban (Banjar Biaung, Denpasar) locations in Bali from November 2019 through February 2020 as part of a thesis research project ^f . In-depth interviews with a limited range of participants (5 to 25) are regarded as an appropriate ethnographic methodology, particularly where researchers have the background experience and language facility to contextualize and facilitate communication ²⁸ . Banjar Biaung was chosen as a representative urban context because it is located at Kesiman Kertalangu, Denpasar city— the capital of Bali province. Urban areas are considered to reflect more demographic changes because of their role in driving economic change and modernization ²⁹ . Based on Susenas 2013 and 2016 data, the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) of Denpasar increased from 1.9 to 2.09. According to Pendataan Keluarga (Family Enumeration) National Population and Family Planning Board (BKKBN), in 2015, 180 of 245 (73.47%) couples of childbearing ages had two or fewer children. Moreover, the majority of them chose not to have more children (65.31%), and only 27.75% wanted more than two children (BKKBN 2015). In 2014, the percentage of the poor population in Denpasar city was 2.07% (BKKBN Bali 2016).

Located in Tegallalang, Gianyar district, where the majority of the people make their living from agriculture (rice production) and livestock, Banjar Tumbakasa has different and somewhat surprising characteristics compared to urban Banjar Biaung. The TFR in Gianyar, in Susenas 2013 and 2016, decreased from 2.2 to 2.03. From Family Enumeration data in 2015, 161 of 204 (78.92%) couples of childbearing ages had two or fewer children. Furthermore, 75.98% of them chose not to have more children and only 21.08% wanted more than two children (BKKBN 2015). Around 4.27% of Gianyar's population registered as poor in 2014 (BKKBN Bali 2016).

The following criteria for community respondents in Banjar Biaung and Tumbakasa were applied: six women in each site were chosen who are culturally Balinese-Hindu, aged over eighteen years old, married with at least one child, and gave consent to be interviewed. This ethnographic research began with requesting permission from the two Banjar chiefs in each location. They were asked to provide a list of members that fit the research criteria. Then, participants were randomly selected from the list using an Android application called Random Number Generator (RNG). The researchers visited their homes to request a meeting and interview. The participants chose the interview appointment date and preferred location. Because the particular hamlets selected had previously been Family Enumeration ³⁰ , the data obtained from in-depth interviews could be placed in a broader demographic context. A copy of the interview guide used can be found under Extended data ³¹ .

The researcher used data triangulation with in-depth interviews, document analysis (Family Enumeration 2015 report and Banjar Biaung’s profile), and observation to enhance the credibility of data. The interview data was analyzed by categorizing and labelling the data (coding). The coding process was started by transcribing the interviews verbatim to capture all nuances. Then, we highlighted significant phrases or sentences from the transcripts. We identified several themes, such as fertility experience, purusa marriage, and sentana marriage. These themes were analyzed by categorizing the fertility experience into purusa marriage and sentana marriage. The identification system for participants was used to provide anonymity, consisting of a combination of letters and numbers indicating rural or urban residence is used throughout the article to represent each respondent. For example, "Kota01" refers to urban (" kota") respondent number 1. Rural participant number one is indicated by "Desa01" ( desa = village). With respect to observation, the researchers did not have sufficient opportunity for close engagement with the participants beyond the interview context because of the time limitation on fieldwork and participants' busy lives — related to the approaching Galungan and Kuningan festivals. Therefore, the researchers’s observation of the participants’ components was necessarily limited. Although the observation data was limited, the researchers used data information from the Banjar’s chiefs to understand the sociodemographic characteristics of each site.

Through qualitative inquiry, this study conveys Balinese-Hindu women's voices about their decision-making regarding marriage and reproduction. The study explores the interview participant's marriage choices and fertility experiences.

The form of marriage in this patrilineal culture, which formally preferences the male line, critically influences Balinese women's legal status because it determines rights and responsibilities in the family and the broader customary community ( banjar/desa adat) ¹² . Most Balinese women participants feel the strain from the system arising from patrilineal marriage, especially the need for an heir, which tends to translate male precedence into son preference. The following discussion covers two themes. The first section includes rural and urban Balinese participants' stories of their experiences in the standard purusa marriage system and the importance of having a male heir. The second section shares their experiences and opinions about normative female exogamy, son preference, and the ubiquitous but less valued sentana option by which a daughter is symbolically taken as heir to continue the family line, with her spouse marrying into the household.

The strong patriarchal norm in Indonesia contributes to women's social problems ³⁸ , especially Balinese-Hindu women. Balinese Hinduism profoundly influences cultural norms and practices across Bali, embedding religious ceremonies and rituals in daily life. Urban and rural variations in fertility preference highlighted the patriarchal system which remains at the center of Balinese society's social structure through patrilocal and patrilineal religious and customary traditions ²⁴ . The system pressures married Balinese-Hindu women to have children, especially a son as an heir, and to continue the husband's family's lineage ²⁴ . The emphasis on having a son causes some women to add to the number of children they have with the hope that the next child will be a boy ³⁹ . The interviews with rural and urban women revealed that most participants experience the pressure to have a son in their marriage as a burden.

The Balinese patrilineal inheritance system places the male at the center of the social structure ³² . Male descendants are considered the main actors who carry the inheritance, name, and responsibility for the family, making them highly valued in the community. Balinese women participants revealed their fertility attitudes in the context of structural pressures favoring patrilineal ( purusa) marriage and masculinist values. The variations in women's responses reported above are based on their realistic recognition of social norms and personal life circumstances. Son precedence, if not necessarily preference, is an outcome of those structures and is mainly responsible for the fertility choices and constraints on their perceived options ²¹ . Several respondents in both purusa and sentana marriage types decided to use contraception after they gave their husbands a son. Most others did not use contraception because they have no son yet. This finding aligns with other studies in Bangladesh where contraceptive use among women with only daughters was lower than women with sons(s) because of the influence of the patrilineal system. Consequently, son(s) preference became a reason to have a larger family size when they only had daughters ⁴⁰ .

Balinese-Hindus believe the ancestral spirit is released from the abyss through the grandson's role ⁴¹ . In Balinese, getting pregnant and giving birth to a child is more than a biological matter. It is connected to culture and religion ⁴² . As written in Rgveda X.85.42: " Ihahiva stam ma vi yaustam, visvam ayur vyasnutam Kridantau Putrair naptrbhih, modamanau sve grhe", meaning: "Yes husband and wife may you stay here and never be separated. Hopefully you both achieve full life happiness. Hopefully you play with your son and your grandsons, and live in this house happily" ⁴³ . The ancient literature confirms the strain on the family member to maintain lineage continuity. In a sentana marriage, the burden of having a son continues into subsequent women's generations in the family, from a mother to her daughter. It is illustrated by Desa01, who chose not to add another child to the family for serious economic reasons when she had no son. Her decision passed an extra obligation upon her daughter to find a man willing to accept “ sentana” marriage and give birth to a grandson as an heir to give her family a sense of security.

Despite strong cultural pressures and preferences for male heirs, several rural Balinese women assert their autonomy by making informed reproductive health choices, such as using contraception ⁴⁴ . Another study in remote Bali explained that younger women with fewer children, recent births, and regular health service access were more likely to desire more children ⁴⁵ . The study also mentioned that Balinese women who desire more children were likely to use contraception, but this recent study indicated that the use of contraception was connected with economic liability rather than age group or health access. Prioritizing family well-being and economic stability over cultural norms marks a shift in gender dynamics. Support from husbands can be crucial, highlighting the importance of male involvement in the family dynamic. This collaboration promotes shared decision-making and challenges patriarchal norms, enhancing women’s autonomy and gender equality in reproductive health decisions.

Economic pressure is a structural factor that greatly outweighs son preference in the fertility decisions of these women, particularly in rural areas. This is particularly evident in the rural Balinese women's perspective on sentana marriage. The result is in line with a study result in other rural areas in Bali that Balinese women's fertility aspirations are not simply left to God or fate but determined in concert with their husband (and extended family), considering the costs and benefits of child-bearing and childrearing ²¹ . The assumption that men's status after sentana marriage as predana or "woman" ^{12, 32, 37} , makes their position inferior is not automatic. As portrayed by some respondents' stories, the husband was still the man of the family, and the wife still felt obliged to obey her husband. In one case, a respondent described feeling the need to serve her husband courteously to honor his "sacrifice" as " sentana nyeburin" ^k . That said, some accounts also described supportive husbands and extended families.

The findings reveal the multiple roles of Balinese women as wives, mothers, and members of society. The results also show that marriage patterns and fertility decisions face significant cultural and economic drivers. Sentana marriage, considered a solution to the prescription for male inheritance, cannot guarantee Balinese women's equality. This marriage could be deemed a tool to prevent the loss of the family line and inheritance and ultimately serve to maintain patriliny. Challenges are raised not only by customary law but also by constraining economic factors.

Impressively, this study provides a narrative showing Balinese women as more culturally adaptive than men. First, women frequently juggle multiple roles within their families and communities, such as caregivers, homemakers, and workers, necessitating high adaptability to changing circumstances and diverse social expectations ⁴⁶ . Second, social norms often place women in positions requiring flexibility and responsiveness, especially during crises where they manage household needs and care for vulnerable family members ⁴⁶ . Additionally, women often have differential access to resources and information, driving them to develop adaptive strategies to navigate these limitations effectively ⁴⁷ . Studies show that women are perceived as more compassionate and sensitive, enhancing their ability to build and maintain social networks crucial for adapting to cultural and environmental changes. Historically, women have adapted to various societal changes and challenges, such as shifts in family structures and economic roles ⁴⁸ . Evolutionary biology also suggests that women have developed adaptive strategies to ensure the survival and well-being of their offspring ⁴⁹ . These factors collectively contribute to the perception and reality of women being more culturally adaptive than men globally.

While not generalizable beyond this small sample, this study, using in-depth interviews, indicates the complexity of internal and external forces affecting Balinese women's fertility decisions. Quantitative and qualitative studies are needed to provide broader perspectives and deeper understanding, especially regarding Balinese women's fertility agency in the context of culture, customary law, and development policies. Tailoring interventions to the specific needs of different regions makes them more effective. Support from husbands and family members is crucial for women to make their own reproductive choices. Engaging men in family planning can change traditional norms and support women’s autonomy. Providing accessible and culturally sensitive family planning services and education is essential ⁵¹ . Policymakers must consider cultural, economic, and social factors when designing reproductive health policies. Supporting women’s rights and autonomy should be a priority. Continuous education and advocacy are needed to challenge and change entrenched cultural norms. Promoting gender equality and reproductive rights requires ongoing, multi-level efforts. A holistic, context-sensitive approach to reproductive health recognizes the diversity of influences on women’s decisions.