While significant gains have been made over the last two decades, India continues to lag many LMIC peers ( NITI, 2018) in maternal and newborn health. The main causes of maternal and newborn deaths are potentially manageable through well-functioning obstetric services ( Garces et al., 2017; Say et al., 2014). In India, poor quality obstetric care in public health facilities and the difficulties in changing health worker behaviour have been widely recognised ( Chaturvedi et al., 2015; Das et al., 2012; Das et al., 2015; Sharma et al., 2017). Evidence suggests that inadequate financial and human resources, and poor health system management and governance intersect with broader socio-politico-cultural environments to create conditions whereby changing behaviours becomes particularly difficult to achieve – regularly evoking reactions laden with frustration, as expressed in the quote at the beginning of this paper. Specific to the provision of midwifery services, a few issues stand out. In India, midwifery training for nurses posted to labour rooms is often inadequate – nurses do not gain the basic midwifery competencies recommended by the International Confederation of Midwives ( Sharma et al., 2015). Inadequate on-the-job training, lack of supportive supervision, poor supplies of equipment and drugs, and high workloads further contribute to poor performance ( Sharma et al., 2017).

To improve the quality of midwifery services, several Indian states have implemented programs that involve mentoring of labour room nurses in public health facilities ( Das et al., 2016; Raney et al., 2019; Semrau et al., 2017; Singh et al., 2016; Varghese et al., 2019). Common features of these programs include on-the-job peer-to-peer mentoring and the systematic use of simple tools (e.g. checklists or case sheets) for every delivery. A recent large randomised controlled trial examined the impact of a checklist-based nurse coaching program on maternal morbidity and mortality; while this relatively short-term intervention could not show impact on these outcomes, it did significantly improve the uptake of evidence-based practices ( Semrau et al., 2017). Evaluations of other nurse mentoring programs have similarly achieved improved uptake of evidence-based practices by labour room nurses ( Das et al., 2016; Das et al., 2017; IHAT, 2017; Washington et al., 2016).

In this paper we critically interrogate the implementation of two nurse mentoring programs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, to examine how the nurse mentors, with active support from a range of stakeholders, managed to navigate the many challenges encountered during implementation of the programs. We contribute to the field of implementation science on two fronts. Firstly, we analyse and describe how these nurse mentors, who initially encountered overt and covert resistance, managed to successfully facilitate change in labour room practices and behaviours. Such implementation insights are relevant to the design and scale up of future nurse mentoring initiatives in India, and in similar resource-constrained settings. Secondly, we infer lessons to add to the knowledge base on implementing change interventions in large organizations like public health services, in India and other similar LMIC health systems.

UP and Bihar together are home to more than 300 million people. Of the 29 States and 7 Union Territories of India, they consistently report among the lowest human development index and among the highest maternal mortality in the country ( GDL, 2018; NITI, 2018; Registrar General of India, 2017). Socio-culturally the two states are characterised by a feudal agrarian economy, and a deeply patriarchal society divided along entrenched caste-class-ethnic lines ( Rasul & Sharma, 2014). At the time of program inception, a range of additional problems constrained the implementation of quality improvement interventions in both state health systems: supply of drugs and equipment was irregular, infection control practices were inadequate, and human resource shortages were commonplace with labour rooms often staffed by only one or two nurses per shift, with limited support from doctors in the event of obstetric emergencies ( NITI, 2018; Vail et al., 2018). In addition, the organisational culture tended to foster poor communication between staff, hierarchical relationships (with nurses near the bottom of the hierarchy), and unsupportive management approaches ( Varghese et al., 2018). To say the least, the two states represented very challenging contexts to implement any change initiative.

The program in UP was implemented in 25 districts across 350 primary and community health centres. In Bihar, the program, known as Apatkaleen Matritva Evam Navjat Tatparta (AMANAT), intervened in 320 facilities providing Basic Emergency Obstetric and Neonatal Care (BEmONC) and 22 facilities providing Comprehensive Emergency Obstetric and Neonatal Care (CEmONC). The analysis presented in this paper relates to the implementation of the intervention at public facilities providing BEmONC services in the two states.

In both states, the program was embedded within state public health services - led by public officials of the TSU. The intervention involved ongoing bedside supportive supervision and regular skill building sessions of labour room nurses to improve knowledge, skills and practices related to labour, delivery, and essential newborn and post-natal care, and promotion of a safe delivery checklist for every birth. Specifically, the intensive training included: refreshers on practical skills in maternal and newborn health care; placement in a labour room for a week to conduct deliveries in the contexts they would work in; communication skills; use of decision-support tools such as checklists; sessions on organizational culture, quality improvement, and change management. In both programs the mentors were qualified nurses, were women, were usually younger than the average mentee (and therefore sometimes with less professional experience). In both states the nurse mentors were hired from outside the public system and were trained and deployed exclusively for the program. Both programs provided training to prepare mentors for their roles, and as elaborated further later, mentors received ongoing support (e.g. guidance on technical matters, assistance with problem solving and dealing with bureaucratic processes) from the TSU teams. In UP the approach involved periodic meetings with the mentors to support and assist them to solve their problems, and on annual refresher trainings for new guidelines or other topics selected by the mentors. In Bihar, the approach was slightly different as each nurse mentor had a ‘master mentor’ she could turn to for support and advice as required. Finally, the TSUs in both programs took concurrent actions to improve availability of drugs, supplies, and equipment.

The differences in the design and implementation of the two programs reflected the unique circumstances in each state. For example, the mentors in UP were recruited locally whereas the mentors in Bihar hailed primarily from outside the state. This was necessary because very few graduate nurses were available in Bihar when the mentoring program was initiated. Mentors in UP had an ongoing role and were placed in and based at public health facilities. Whereas in Bihar, they provided mentoring through monthly one-week long visits over an eight-month period. Extended Data File 1 ( Kane et al., 2020) provides details of the two programs.

Data are drawn from a broader inquiry that compared implementation processes across nurse mentoring programs in UP and Bihar. This inquiry was guided by the Comprehensive Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR) ( Damschroder et al., 2009) and included a wide-ranging examination of what worked, where, how and for whom, when implementing the nurse mentoring program in different contexts. The CFIR identifies five domains (intervention, inner setting, outer setting, processes, and individuals) that interact in complex and dynamic ways to collectively influence the effectiveness of program implementation and outcomes. Extended Data File 2 ( Kane et al., 2020) presents the framework for the broader inquiry and an overview of how the framework was used; it also presents a synthesis of key findings emerging from the broader inquiry. In this paper we focus our analysis on two TSU-based nurse mentoring programs from the broader inquiry. We interrogate the data with the aim of providing a comprehensive, integrated understanding of how the nurse mentors overcame a wide range of barriers to successfully effect change in behaviours and practices of labour room nurses. Our intention is to spotlight the mentors’ exercise of agency when overcoming the challenges they encountered. Our analysis of the mentors’ experiences and approaches helps reveal how change occurred in practice. We signpost implications for future organisational level change interventions in similar settings.

We purposively selected high- and low-performing public health facilities; performance of facilities was gauged by TSU staff based on their own program metrics recorded during routine TSU program monitoring and evaluation at the time of the study; these metrics were related to uptake of specified evidence-based practices by labour room nurses, such as administration of oxytocin, and skin-to-skin contact as per protocol. The study was conducted in eight facilities across seven districts in UP (four high performing and four low performing), and ten facilities across nine districts in Bihar (four high performing, four low performing and two facilities that had not been classified at the time of data collection). Table 1 gives an overview of the facilities. While the sampling of study sites was organized along these lines, the purpose was not to compare high and low performing facilities but rather to better understand the differences if any, across sites with differing program performance and outcomes. While we did find a range of factors that explained the difference between facilities characterised as high versus low performing, and these have been summarized in Extended Data File 2, for the specific line of inquiry presented in this paper, it emerged that there were no real differences in the explanations of how the nurse mentors navigated change and overcame the barriers that they faced. In fact, a consistent picture emerged across all facilities across the two states.

We conducted in-depth interviews with all labour room nurses (staff nurses and ANMs) who had been exposed to the nurse mentor program and who were present at the facility at the time of our visit. In UP, all nurse mentors linked to the selected facilities were interviewed. In Bihar, because the mentoring program had finished 6 months prior to data collection, a smaller number of mentors were available for interviews. We also interviewed doctors and other staff linked to the nurse mentoring program at the selected health facilities. Additionally, members of the TSU management teams and monitoring & evaluation teams were interviewed. Some interviewees identified other potential informants as sources of valuable insight – some of them were subsequently interviewed. Table 2 provides an overview of study participants and number of interviews conducted.

The study sample size was determined by the availability of medical staff, mentors, and eligible mentees at each facility on the days we visited. Data collection often involved the researchers travelling long distances to remote areas of different districts (sometimes involving overnight stays); the amount of time that could be spent in each district and at each health facility, thus varied.

Medical Officers In-Charge (MOICs) of health facilities were informed about the study. TSU leadership notified MOICs that study team members would be visiting the facility on a given date to interview staff (nurses and doctors). Given the fact that the TSUs were integrated into the state health services and the MOICs were very familiar with their activities, the study team was able to readily obtain access to study sites and participants.

The in-depth interview guides were initially drafted in English and subsequently translated into Hindi, back-translated, and piloted in the field. The mentee interviews were mostly with individual nurses, but on a few occasions some of the nurses asked to be interviewed together, which meant 2-3 nurses were interviewed at the same time. All interviews were conducted in a private location, with only the interviewers and participants in attendance. The voluntary nature of participation was carefully explained, but no participant declined to participate. Interviews were conducted by four researchers (authors PD, PR, SB, and MK) working in pairs. Interviews were conducted in Hindi or English according to the comfort of the participant; of the four data collectors, three were fluent in Hindi (the local language). All the mentees were interviewed in Hindi, and most of the medical and TSU staff were interviewed in English, as were some of the Bihar mentors who originated from South India. Each interview lasted between 30 minutes to one hour. All interviews were digitally audio recorded, and subsequently translated and transcribed verbatim into English by bi-lingual Hindi-English speakers with previous transcription and translation experience. All transcripts and translations were independently cross-checked against the original audio recordings for accuracy by authors PD, MK, and SB.

We conducted an iterative thematic analysis of the data ( Braun & Clarke 2006). Following discussions at the end of each interview and the end of each day of fieldwork, review of audio files, and multiple readings of verbatim transcripts, we arrived at a set of preliminary codes. Verbatim transcripts were then coded using OpenCode 4.03 and Atlas Ti [version 6.2]. We held regular discussions to refine and specify the codes and to arrive at themes. Further, during the analysis and while writing the paper we revisited the data and iteratively developed the arguments presented in the findings and discussion sections. This paper primarily draws on codes related to ‘how’ the intervention was implemented by the nurse mentors, and how they functioned and facilitated improvements in labour rooms.

Ethics approval for this study was obtained from the University of Melbourne Human Ethics Sub-Committee in Australia (Ethics ID 1749449), and the ethics committee at the Post-graduate Institute for Medical Education and Research in Chandigarh, India. All prospective participants were provided with an information sheet that explained the study’s scope and purpose, and all participants gave informed written consent to participate and allow recording of the interviews. Audio files and verbatim transcripts were anonymised.

Overcoming their ‘outsider’ status . The nurse mentors were perceived as ‘outsiders’ by many study participants, including the mentors themselves, because they were not formally part of the government health services, and in the case of Bihar, also hailed from different parts of India. The perception of the mentors as outsiders combined with the fact that they were often younger than the mentees was regularly invoked by all participants as an explanation for the mentors’ initial struggle to be accepted by their would-be mentees, and by the system. All interviewed mentees (35 in Bihar, 20 in UP) gave positive accounts of their relationship with the mentors – they were unanimous in highlighting that they respected and valued their mentors. This respect for and appreciation of the mentors was echoed by the doctors and the MOICs at the facilities. However, as the following excerpt illustrates, this acceptance was hard earned.

For the mentors, the process of overcoming their outsider status was deliberate and ongoing. They recognised that being included and accepted was going to be a hard-earned privilege. The careful cultivation and maintenance of this privilege was an overarching feature of ‘how’ the nurse mentors functioned. This relational dynamic underpinned, sometimes explicitly, but usually tacitly, how they went about effecting change. This dynamic in many ways provided the scaffolding for the other approaches (described below) taken by the mentors to trigger, facilitate and support small and large changes to the status quo.

Building rapport and earning trust by treating nurses with respect and dignity . The accommodating and supportive approach of the nurse mentors was an important reason for their ultimate acceptance. The mentors were always polite and treated the labour room nurses with the respect that one would accord to someone who is older, and as the quotes below signal, this was an important relational expectation in the societal contexts of UP and Bihar. Similarly, the mentors were respectful of the nurse’s workload and time. During their initial training and through ongoing supportive supervision, the mentors were encouraged and supported to build constructive relationships with the nurses and facility staff. All this was a departure from the unsupportive and at times hierarchical and adversarial work culture that most nurses were accustomed to. For example, instead of invoking their authority to demand deference, the mentors conducted their activities in an accommodating and flexible manner.

Achieving such respectful relationships was easier said than done. The mentors had to carefully navigate the existing culture and chain of command at the facility while at the same time making sure they did not condone or participate in the more punitive features of the prevailing culture. For them to operate effectively, as the following quote illustrates, the mentors had to ensure that their actions were not seen as an overt attempt to undermine the traditional chain of command.

Recognizing and empathizing with the nurses’ workplace challenges . Nurses in many places (including in India) work in harsh conditions, are relatively less empowered in the health system, and yet are expected to shoulder heavy workloads and deliver good outcomes for patients with minimal support. A mentor illustrated this point with the following comment “ when we came, we saw that there were a lot of problems … there was such a huge workload … they didn’t even have electricity. There are no inverters here and so they have to work the entire hot nights by burning a coil of Mortein (mosquito repellent) to protect themselves from mosquitoes.” As the following excerpt highlights, mentors recognised the importance of empathizing with the difficulties faced by the labour room nurses.

Mentors recognised many of the small and large routine challenges faced by labour room nurses. In their role as nurse mentors, they were empowered to go beyond expressions of empathy, to work together to take actions to address many of the problems. As the following excerpts illustrate, the mentors listened to the nurses, heard their frustrations, and advocated for them, thereby giving them a voice.

This empathetic approach was a refreshing change for the nurses. Once they saw that the mentors did not mean to blame them for poor performance, they were more open to the mentoring and ultimately, to changing their practices. Mentors quickly identified that many labour room nurses felt helpless due to ongoing lack of support and recognition. Understanding the challenges faced by mentees and recognising the achievements of mentees was a key message in the mentors’ training. These messages were regularly reinforced by TSU staff during their supervisory visits.

Modelling new behaviours . Modelling new behaviours occurred at several levels. The nurse mentors were able to demonstrate and model safe practices while working alongside nurses in the labour room, assisting with deliveries. When asked what change if any had occurred as a result of the mentoring, a nurse in UP said that earlier they would always be worried about what to do, especially when complications such as post-partum haemorrhage arose; adding that “ now we feel that we are strong enough and we can handle the situations.”

The nurse mentors were also able to model assertiveness, confidence and self-efficacy. Most nurses in India are women and the broader sociocultural context of UP and Bihar is such that nurses operate within and are products of a patriarchal society that systematically discourages women’s exercise of agency and overt demonstrations of self-efficacy ( Kasturi, 1996; Kakar & Kakar, 2007). The nurses’ training reinforces deferential attitudes towards hierarchical authority (especially doctors). This was a key hurdle for the nurse mentors to overcome. The nurse mentors created safe spaces that encouraged nurses to embody confidence and enact self-efficacy. They were able to do this not only by imparting knowledge and skills, but also by being a positive role model. Although always respecting the authority of the doctors and other staff, the nurse mentors were neither obsequiously deferential, nor afraid to speak up. As the following quote illustrates, mentors were able to convincingly demonstrate to the nurses the possibility and benefits of working together as a team and supporting each other.

Leading by example, the mentors promoted the value of taking responsibility for one’s own work. This was in sharp contrast to the situation where the norm was for nurses to do the minimum necessary, and when things were unavailable, or when they were unable to handle a particularly complicated clinical situation, to focus primarily on sheltering themselves from blame. A nurse in Bihar summarised the prevalent attitude as “before … it would be like … I have duty from 8 to 2 ... my duty will finish. When the other nurse would come at 2, we would just tell them, there's a patient look at her, I am leaving … That is what we'd do, once our duty was over.” She contrasted this with the change that had occurred since their interactions with the nurse mentors, pointing out that now the nurses “take responsibility... We give the handover, we fill in the handover book that these are the medicines, this is over, this we have used, this is left to give... and the patient is in this state, the dilatation is this much. We tell everything and go; we do handover with full responsibility”.

The nurse mentors influenced change not only in labour room practices, but also more broadly. Mentors were able to inculcate a sense of pride in work and ownership of the workplace. Many nurse mentors across both programs reflected on how they themselves swept and washed the labour rooms to show nurses how pride in one’s workplace can generate a sense of purpose and reward. In the following excerpt a nurse reflects on how her approach to work and to her workplace changed.

The mentors modelled professionalism, commitment to delivery of good quality care, constructive assertiveness, and self-efficacy. Leading by example, as illustrated in the excerpt above, was complimented by creation of opportunities for nurses to imbibe and enact the modelled practices and behaviours, which was a key driver of change and improvements in the quality of care.

The value of being present . The mentors’ reliable presence empowered and enabled the labour room nurses to make changes to labour room practices. Both programs were designed so that the nurse mentors spent extended periods of time with their mentees in the labour room. The presence of the mentors in the labour room and in the facility generally, provided the nurses with much needed ongoing support, especially when the workload was high or when confronted with women experiencing complications.

The presence and availability of the nurse mentor facilitated the inculcation of what had been taught. The support of the nurse mentor was experienced by the nurses even when she was not physically present. The following anecdote is a compelling example of the strength of commitment on the part of some of these young nurse mentors (going well beyond the call of duty in this example). The anecdote not only highlights the approachability, trustworthiness and presence of the nurse mentor, it also signposts the limited support that nurses tend to have when faced with difficult situations.

Nurse mentors strived to make learning a positive experience through the deliberate creation of safe spaces for nurses to clarify doubts (repeatedly) without being judged and without fear of reprisal. This was central to building confidence amongst the mentees. The patient approach of the mentors is evident in the following quotes, this approach foregrounded much of the change that the mentors were able to achieve.

Several nurses reflected on how much they enjoyed the training provided by the nurse mentors and how they had gained more interest in their work. One nurse in Bihar, reminiscing about her experience, said “ we had a lot of fun … and we learnt as well”. Another nurse in Bihar described the trainings and explained why they were so enjoyable.

As the above quote illustrates, the program adopted a relaxed, participatory approach to learning, which was a departure from the more traditional teaching approaches the nurses were accustomed to. This approach together with the mentors ongoing presence and the provision of a safe environment to apply and practice new knowledge and skills, made learning a positive experience for the labour room nurses. Nurses were therefore more open to changing practices.

These findings beg the question ‘Why were these mentors (themselves nurses) able to treat their peers differently and how were they able to model new behaviours?’ One possible explanation is that as outsiders, they needed to exert efforts to establish trust in order to perform their role successfully, a role for which they were being held accountable by an agency (the TSUs) endorsed and overseen by the government. As outsiders, they were not directly beholden to the dysfunctional aspects of the internal organisational culture in the same way as the facility staff were, and therefore not so influenced by the hierarchy and power dynamics that tended to disempower the nurses and contribute to poor quality care. In the next section we further analyse how the mentors’ training, the ongoing support from the TSU, and the institutional arrangement of the program created conditions that enabled nurse mentors to exercise agency and to effect change.

Given the demanding nature of the nurses’ work environment in these settings, the changes achieved by the nurse mentors would not have been possible without enabling conditions at the organisational level. The nurse mentoring programs by design, and by virtue of their adaptability and openness to the emerging ground realities, enabled the mentors in a range of ways.

Preparing the mentors for a challenging environment . As indicated earlier, both programs invested substantial time and effort in preparing mentors for their role as change agents. As the following quote illustrates the mentors valued the practical skills in maternal and newborn health care, the communication skills, and the sessions on organizational culture, quality improvement, and change management. Many told us that without these inputs they would not have been able to do their work effectively.

The comprehensive pre-service training prepared the mentors to enter the demanding environment of the state public health services and the facilities. But it was the ongoing training and support from the TSU actively focused on building confidence to engage effectively with the facility leadership, that contributed to the ultimate effectiveness of the mentors in facilitating change in what was clearly a very challenging environment.

Time and discretionary space to navigate the challenging environment . Any change to the status quo takes time. The TSU leadership recognised this and allowed dedicated time for the mentors to build rapport and establish credible relationships within the health facility. For instance, in UP, the first six months of the program were focused on supporting the mentors to develop relationships with labour room nurses and other facility level staff. Establishing these working relationships, as the following quote illustrates, was a painstaking exercise, but ultimately an essential and worthwhile time investment.

This was complemented by a program design that accorded mentors the discretion to tailor their mentoring approach to the needs of each facility, and the actors involved. While the mentors worked with a structured curriculum, they could adapt it according to the needs of the local context. Different facilities had different profiles of workers in the labour room - a mix of auxiliary nurses and general nurses, different age profiles and therefore differences in skills, interest and acceptance of the mentoring and training. Local staff profiles and labour room rotations determined how and when the nurses were available for training, and what moments and spaces were appropriate for mentoring.

Consistent and ongoing support . The mentors were closely supervised and supported by program implementation teams of the state TSUs. In UP, by district technical specialists and zonal technical specialists, and in Bihar by master mentors and block and district managers. The support was tactical, operational, and technical. TSU leadership was key to introducing and establishing the mentor role at both the facility and district levels. Operational support included ongoing help with accommodation, transport, and liaising with facility and district level managers to get buy-in and space to conduct their activities and catalyse the mentors’ change initiatives by negotiating improvements in infrastructure, equipment, supplies, and hospital management.

The support provided by the TSU teams, which included regular supervisory visits, was seen by the mentors as critical to their success. These visits served two broad purposes. Firstly, the visits were moments when the mentors could discuss their problems and solicit assistance. TSU team members supported the mentors directly by solving some problems and indirectly by advocating for solutions at higher levels of the public health system. The TSU visits helped to keep the mentors motivated during difficult times. Secondly, as the following excerpt illustrates, the visits also served a symbolic function; they nudged health facility staff, especially labour room nurses, to ensure they remained interested in and engaged with the mentoring program.

These visits communicated the seriousness of the TSU leadership’s intent; they also served to reinforce the legitimacy of the nurse mentoring program to facility level staff. In these hierarchical public health settings, this explicit operational support, and the implicit signaling that there was higher level management and institutional backing for the changes being instituted by the program, was critical to ensure that the program was taken seriously by facility level staff. These visits thus set the stage for the mentors to execute their roles and fulfil their responsibilities. The support and the supervisory visits kept the mentors motivated and ensured that they did not become overwhelmed by the health system challenges they so regularly encountered.

Establishing and maintaining extra-organisational lines of accountability . The discretionary authority of the nurse mentors, and the ongoing encouragement to exercise their autonomy was coupled with clear delineation of their responsibilities and unambiguous lines of authority and accountability. The program aimed to ensure that the mentors, the mentees, the facility staff and the TSU leadership, all had a common understanding on these matters. The mentors were accountable to the TSU teams and reported to TSU line managers. However, they also worked closely and respectfully with the facility MOICs, although not directly answerable to them. This relational arrangement emerged from a deep and nuanced understanding of the organisational culture of the public health services in these two states.

All health facility staff at the PHC and CHC levels, be they regular employees or contract staff, ultimately report to the MOIC. The MOIC has discretionary authority over all operations within the health facility, including assignment of tasks to anyone on the premises. Theoretically, an MOIC could ask a nurse mentor to do things that s/he deemed necessary for the facility – thereby removing her from the mentoring role. By clearly delineating responsibilities and establishing and delicately maintaining new extra-organisational lines of accountability, the TSU teams in UP and Bihar averted this problem and created and maintained an environment that assured ongoing cooperation from key actors within the health services.

All interview participants spoke with us on the explicit understanding that what they had to say would remain confidential, that only the immediate research team members would have access to the raw data, and that the study findings would be reported in summary form drawing on what all participants had to say. This was important in order to foster trust between the interviewees and the interviewers. We did not obtain permission from interview participants to make the raw data publicly available nor did we seek permission from the relevant ethics committees for this. However, if individual research peers particularly wanted to view transcripts, we are willing to consider sharing them on a limited case-by-case basis; please contact ni-info@unimelb.edu.au to make an enquiry.

Open Science Framework: Enabling change in public health services: Insights from the implementation of nurse mentoring interventions to improve quality of obstetric and newborn care in two North Indian states. https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/KP2A6 ( Kane et al., 2020).

Open Science Framework: SRQR Checklist for ‘Enabling change in public health services: Insights from the implementation of nurse mentoring interventions to improve quality of obstetric and newborn care in two North Indian states’. https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/KP2A6 ( Kane et al., 2020).

Data are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC-BY 4.0).